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By Linda Soko Tembo

A block-making factory that Lusaka City Council (LCC) ordered shut down for violating public health regulations has reportedly resumed operations only days later, raising fresh questions about the enforcement of environmental and public health laws in the city.

Deniz Company Limited, located in Olympia along Katima Mulilo Road, was closed on 5 March 2026 after public health inspectors found multiple violations, including dust pollution, excessive noise and insanitary working conditions.

But residents told MakanDay that machinery at the factory has since started running again, with dust emissions and noise continuing to affect nearby homes despite the council’s enforcement action.

The development has renewed concerns among residents who say they have complained about the company’s operations for years without lasting intervention from authorities.

Council action

LCC Director of Public Health Victor Kagoli confirmed that inspectors closed the facility after identifying several breaches of public health regulations.

According to Kagoli, the violations included failure to provide adequate personal protective equipment for workers, poor sanitation conditions, lack of proper kitchen facilities for employees, improper waste storage, and unresolved complaints of dust and noise pollution.

The facility is located in what residents say is a residential area, raising further questions about how the factory was allowed to operate in the neighbourhood.

Complaints dating back years

Records indicate that concerns about the company’s operations date back to February 2023, when LCC conducted an inspection and issued a 30-day abatement notice directing the company to address noise nuisance concerns.

The notice, effective from 16 March to 16 April 2023, warned that failure to comply could result in suspension of operations and possible legal action.

It remains unclear whether the company fully complied with the directives issued at the time.

A recent visit by MakanDay to the area earlier this year found residents still experiencing persistent dust and noise pollution from the factory.

MakanDay observed dirty water around the premises, poorly maintained toilet facilities and indiscriminate waste disposal, conditions that may violate both public health and environmental regulations.

Residents describe daily ddisturbances

Residents say the factory’s operations have disrupted daily life in the area for several years.

Chinda Chembe and her husband, Peter Geraerdts, who purchased property in Olympia Extension between 2011 and 2012, said the area had been approved for residential use when they began building flats there.

“When we started construction, we discovered that our neighbour had rented out their property to a brick-making factory called Deniz,” said Chembe.

“The machines operate within a residential area and the noise has affected our business because tenants constantly complain.”

Residents say dust from the factory’s operations has also affected their homes.

“The dust has caused our roof to turn black. Even when we close our windows, dust still enters the house,” Chembe said.

She added that the company’s operations often begin early in the morning.

“Their staff toilets are attached to our wall and the machines start running as early as 05:00 hours.”

Another resident, Maria Nyirongo, said the noise sometimes begins even earlier.

“We cannot sleep properly. Sometimes the machines start as early as 04:00 hours, and when there is no power they switch on a generator. The smoke enters our house,” she said.

Residents also allege that wastewater from the factory flows into nearby drainage systems.

They further claim that the company’s boundary wall collapsed several years ago, killing a 10-year-old child. According to residents, the wall remains structurally unstable.

Environmental oversight questions

Residents say they reported the matter to both LCC and the Zambia Environmental Management Agency (ZEMA), questioning how the factory had been licensed to operate in a residential area.

According to residents, ZEMA previously inspected the premises and identified several violations, including lack of protective clothing for workers, inadequate sanitation facilities and improper waste disposal.

The company was reportedly fined and instructed to insulate a noise-producing machine within 30 days.

However, residents say the measures did little to address the problem.

“They never close permanently and always bounce back,” Chembe said.

A source familiar with the matter indicated that ZEMA had issued the company a licence subject to conditions requiring effective management of dust emissions and noise levels.

Failure to comply with those conditions could result in the licence being revoked.

MakanDay submitted a press query to ZEMA about the company’s compliance status one month ago but had not received a response by the time of publication.

Company response

When contacted on 4 March 2026, the director of Deniz Company Limited, identified as Hakim, declined to comment in detail, saying he was travelling within Zambia.

“But there is no dust. You have to bring equipment to measure the dust and noise,” he said.

When asked whether the company had conducted its own environmental measurements, he said the last assessment had been done some time ago.

“Some time back when I measured, it was okay. The best thing is that we measure together next week,” he said.

Closure — and reopening

Despite LCC closure order issued on 5 March, residents say operations resumed within days.

The development has raised concerns about whether regulatory authorities are able to enforce environmental and public health standards once enforcement action is taken.

Residents say they are now hoping that authorities will ensure the closure is properly enforced or relocate the factory to a designated industrial area.

For now, however, the machines are running again.

And for the residents of Olympia, the dust and noise they say they have lived with for years have returned.

By Linda Soko Tembo A block-making factory that Lusaka City Council (LCC) ordered shut down for violating public health regulations has reportedly resumed operations only days later, raising fresh questions about the enforcement of environmental and public health laws in the city. Deniz Company Limited, located in Olympia along Katima Mulilo Road, was closed on Latest News – MAKANDAY 

By Linda Soko Tembo A block-making factory that Lusaka City Council (LCC) ordered shut down for violating public health regulations has reportedly resumed operations only days later, raising fresh questions about the enforcement of environmental and public health laws in the city. Deniz Company Limited, located in Olympia along Katima Mulilo Road, was closed on

Malawi’s government’s microfinance scheme to uplift the “ultra-poor” was hijacked by the political elite. Leaked records show how the National Economic Empowerment Fund (NEEF) was captured by former President Lazarus Chakwera’s family, cabinet ministers and party cheerleaders, sidelining the communities it was designed to serve. 

Golden Matonga and Julius Mbe?e 

When Lazarus Chakwera’s Malawi Congress Party (MCP) administration launched the empowerment fund as a state-owned microfinance institution, it was publicly touted as a lifeline for the ultra-poor, one that would boost small business development and, ultimately, bridge the wealth gap.

Cabinet ministers, members of parliament (MPs), state house officials, and relatives of the former president were among those who secured hefty loans without required repayment, effectively turning a poverty-alleviation scheme into a grant scheme or private credit line for the politically connected.

However, despite being taxpayer-funded, evidence uncovered by the Platform for Investigative Journalism (PIJ) reveals how politicians and their relatives were not only granted priority access to the microfinance scheme, but they were also able to default on loans with impunity. 

While documents also show that there was a significant uptick in loans to politically connected individuals ahead of the 2025 national and presidential election, they also show that some repayments began to trickle in after the Chakwera administration was voted out and the fund’s leadership changed hands. But the fund, which has reverted back to being called the Malawi Development Fund (MEDF), is now in trouble with a 52% default rate.  While the fund’s new chief executive officer, Kayisi Sadala, described this default rate to parliament as the worst in history, findings in the PIJ investigation suggest that the huge outstanding loans granted to politicians are the nub of the problem. 

Over K240 billion (USD $138 million) had been reportedly distributed to 377 460 Malawians as of December 2025.  Of the total, Sadala said that K116 billion (USD$66.7 million) was disbursed in 2025 alone as the country prepared for the presidential and parliamentary elections. Most of the recovery challenges are linked to loans issued during the year.

Sadala also admitted to the committee that some loans intended to empower ordinary and underserved Malawians, including women, youth, and persons with disabilities, ended up in the hands of Cabinet ministers and other politicians. But, he said, a line is being drawn in the sand. Loan defaulters have 60 days to settle their arrears or face consequences. 

Documents obtained by PIJ provide offer more disturbing details. Although these documents provide an incomplete picture, they offer a glimpse into NEEF’s lending practices. Provided by a whistleblower, two spreadsheets list a total of 396 politically exposed beneficiaries. The spreadsheets show a dramatic escalation in loan amounts following the recent election of MPs –  the loan value has jumped from K50 million (USD $28,750) to K300 million (USD $172,500) per member.

While these records detail original loan amounts and outstanding balances, they lack critical data such as disbursement dates and repayment timelines. This snapshot suggests that the true scope of the ‘hijacking’ could be much larger, potentially involving more connected individuals or the use of proxies to mask the identity of the real beneficiaries.

Several of the MPs who benefited from the loans defended the disbursements when approached for comment by the PIJ. They argue that they, too, are Malawians. 

The morality of politicians raiding the NEEF is brought into sharper focus when considering the salaries and benefits already available to MPs.  Beyond their hefty allowances, MPs also benefit from a vehicle scheme where taxpayers foot 50% of the bill. While ordinary Malawians struggle to secure loans for a few thousand Kwacha, the government is bracing for a K34 billion (USD $19.6 million) bill to put politicians in luxury 4x4s – all while those same politicians occupy the front of the queue for poverty-alleviation loans, as evidence sourced by PIJ suggests.

Who’s who on the NEEF Files

Some senior members of the Chakwera administration benefited from the fund.

Among the beneficiaries are Rudo Chakwera, who is married to former President Lazarus Chakwera’s son Nick. She borrowed K39, 444, 337.94 (USD  $22,680) and had an outstanding balance of K8, 454, 907.94  (USD $4 875) at the time we accessed the documents.

Former Deputy Minister of Defence Jean Sendeza: Records show Sendeza borrowed K30 million (USD $17,250) , but her outstanding balance has since spiked to K36 million (USD $20,700). This K6 million (USD $3,450) increase confirms a total lack of servicing, allowing interest to accumulate unchecked.

Former Minister of Local Government Owen Chomanika: Chomanika accessed K25 million USD $14,375) from the fund. At the time the whistleblower’s data was compiled, his repayment record stood at zero. While Chomanika claims to have since settled the debt, PIJ has yet to see any documentary evidence of a clearance certificate.

Former Tourism and Culture Minister Vera Kamtukule: Documents show a loan of K5,550,160 (USD $3,190) with an outstanding balance of K4,132,185 (USD $2,375). Kamtukule maintains that she has since cleared the remaining balance.

The reach of the NEEF “VIP” scheme extended deep into the rank and file of the then-ruling MCP, rewarding those with the closest ties to the leadership. Among the prominent names is party spokesperson Jessie Kabwila, who secured loans on two separate occasions. 

Other prominent political names that make the list are former MCP whip in parliament, Joseph Rabson Njobvuyalema, former MP Mike Bango, MP Francis Belakanyama, MP Esther Kathumba, and MP Mark Mphezi Mtengo and even some of the representatives on opposition benches before the 2025 election osuch as lawmakers Fyness Magonjwa, Ismail Rizzq Mkumba, Olipa Chimangen, Chifundo Makande, and Orphan Shaba.

Also featured is Peter Lackson Chimangeni, a figure of high political significance who served as a key witness for President Lazarus Chakwera during the high-stakes 2019 presidential election court dispute.

In an interview with PIJ, Lackson claimed that his NEEF loan was above board.

“I have a farm in Mchinji, which I have been developing for over 6 years now. The initial application was for 110m Kwatcha (USD $63,250). The Mchinji district NEEF officer and other senior management visited the farm,” said Lackson.

A PIJ analysis of the status of several loans for politically connected individuals.

When contacted for comment, United Democratic Front MP Ismail Rizzq Mkumba, who also benefited from the loan scheme when he was on the opposition benches,  was more concerned about our source of the information than the morality question our investigation is posing. 

“Are the loans not a private matter? A contract between NEEF and private persons, and the people are entitled to their privacy? Would NEEF divulge private information of their customers? I do not consent to any lending institution or any entity or person to make public my name, numbers and/or intricate details of my private life.” 

He added: “I believe all Malawians have the right to obtain loans from any willing lending institution and as an MP I encourage these institutions not to discriminate against anyone.”

The Inequality Fund

Almost all the politicians in the documents contacted by PIJ  confirmed receiving the loans at some stage, but presented varying accounts on the status and justification for the loans.

PIJ’s findings, however, grossly contradict not only the policies of NEEF but also the statements made by the country’s political leadership, including former president Chakwera, who touted the loan scheme as a vehicle for the marginalised youth and the poor.

“I feel the pain when I see community members, including youths, facing economic challenges. This is why we have introduced another phase of loan disbursements to benefit all Malawians without favouring anyone,” said Chakwera in July 2023 during an event celebrating NEEF disbursing K100 billion(USD $57.5 million) in three years.

For most politicians in the PIJ files, ‘economic empowerment’ began and ended at home. Despite a single instance where an official used the loan help a village cooperative, the overwhelming majority of those named in the 200-page leak prioritized securing massive loans for themselves.

Contradictions 

PIJ’s findings follow questions posed by Malawi Congress Party (MCP) member and Mzimba Central legislator, Vitumbiko Mumba,  to NEEF officials over the alleged provision of loans to members of parliament and cabinet ministers. The new NEEF Chief Executive Officer, Kayisa Sadala who stated that the fund is meant to support ordinary and underserved Malawians.

In interviews with PIJ, several of Mumba’s ex-cabinet MCP colleagues defended the loans, dismissing suggestions of conflict of interest or exerting undue influence on the disbursement of the loans.

Some said they had repaid the loans after the change of government. Two former ministers said they repaid the loans two weeks ago after being approached by NEEF.  (PIJ could not speak to all politically exposed persons on the list).

Kunkuyu confirmed receiving the loans but said he did so while serving as a presidential adviser whose small salary justified applying for the loan.

“I took one loan. Last of last week, I sent my boys to repay the loan. I took 25 million, and I offered my house as collateral. I took the loan at the time I was state house advisor. They did not deduct the loan as I instructed them. My salary had transferred to opc. I asked NEEF about the two loans because their teams were sending different individuals.

He added: “If you look at products that NEEF offer, they demand collateral that can be as high as 200 million. Tell me which Malawian can be underserved. The position one is serving can make someone politically exposed. I was an advisor, and I was receiving 900 000 kwacha (a month),” said Kumkuyu.

Kumkuyu said, apart from personally benefiting from the loans, he also supported some cooperatives from Blantyre to access them, but when quizzed to name any such groups, the former minister fell short.

Kamtukule told PIJ she had cleared her loan two weeks ago, but was surprised when NEEF officials called her way before PIJ contacted her to request the right to reply for this story.

Kamtukule defended the distribution of the loans to Ministers, saying: “But aren’t ministers Malawians, sir? Also. Is the issue the fact that ministers were given loans or that they weren’t paying? Because I think you are mixing issues there.” 

Chomanika confirmed obtaining the loans but said he cleared the loan with NEEF, while Sendeza retorted when contacted: “Are there any laws that prohibit politicians from accessing loans? This is politics, and it’s not good. If someone has something they were allegedly stealing and you say they took a loan, what kind of people are you? I will not answer that.”

Kabwila, the MCP spokesperson whose name appears twice on the spreadsheets, also sought to put spin on the disbursement, arguing that politicians also deserve to benefit from the scheme.

“I would like to confirm that I took a  NEEF loan of 30 million. I got 10 then 20 million. I am using it to farm in Chitala Salima. I have paid up 10 million. I’m remaining with 20 million in debt, and I’m paying 2 million every month. I am very well aware that this is a public debt that has to be paid back in full and within the time set. I have undertaken to repay this loan in full,” said Kabwila.

She added, “This loan has enabled me to participate in our agrarian economy. I employ at least 100 people, and Asa woman in business, I’m grateful for this opportunity to empower myself and the many women I employ in Salima. This farming project has helped Salima to be food secure. I have planted maize, soya, and other legumes this year. My farming place can be visited by anyone.”

That view would put us at odds with the view of the ordinary person on the street, who says they are struggling to make ends meet and are shocked to see their elected representatives are abusing public office for self-enrichment. Those voices include Emmanuel Minyanga, an office assistant at a private law firm whose ambition to establish a start-up agri-business venture has failed to kick off due to a lack of access to capital. 

“Those loans should be immediately reclaimed and rechanneled to the poor people who deserve them,” he told PIJ. “There are people in the villages who are struggling,” he added.  

Civil society groups, too, reacted angrily at the PIJ findings, dismissing the reaction of the MPs as morally bankrupt and calling the disbursement an abuse of office.

“I believe it is beyond being morally correct; it is structurally irregular,” said Tuntufye Simwimba, National Programmes Coordinator for the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP), a nonprofit.  

“We should understand that NEEF – National Economic Empowerment Fund – mission is to serve underserved Malawians, particularly women, youth, and persons with disabilities. …Members of Parliament are not undeserved, hence benefiting from the fund is irregular. The priority of the fund should be for ordinary, underserved, and economically disempowered Malawians who can benefit the most from the fund,” he added.

Centre for Social Accountability and Transparency (CSAT) Executive Director Willy Kamwandira argued that elected officials benefiting from public lending facilities such as NEEF was not merely a question of legal compliance but moral legitimacy and conflict of interest.

“NEEF was established to expand opportunity for ordinary Malawians  who lack access to affordable credit, not to provide  preferential access to those who already wield political power, influence policy, and control public resources,” said Kambwandira, adding: “Even if such loans are permissible, the optics and ethical implications are deeply troubling.”

“It’s morally indefensible,” Kambwandira

According to Kamwandira, Public officials have a heightened duty to avoid situations that create perceived self-dealing or undermine public trust. 

“Again,  in a country where many vulnerable citizens struggle to access empowerment funds, it is morally indefensible for policymakers to position themselves as beneficiaries of the very schemes they oversee. We are also some members of the Public Accounts Committee who are also beneficiaries of NEEF loans. The revelations mean PAC has lost both moral and institutional authority, as those exercising it have a conflict of interest. We demand transparency on this matter. Let NEEF publish names of all those who benefitted from the loan facility, including those who have not repaid,” he added. 

Former NEEF CEO Humphreys Mdyetseni, who was arrested last Friday and charged with abuse of office and money laundering in relation to the alleged laundering of about K11 billion between April 2024 and 2025, was not immediately available for comment. A NEEF spokesperson asked for more time to comment on the matter.

For the thousands of Malawians like Godfrey Rashid and Stafford Phiri, small-time street vendors on the streets of Blantyre, NEEF was supposed to be the great equaliser—a chance to turn a few thousand Kwacha into a sustainable future. Instead, the fund was treated as a private reserve for the very people who already hold the keys to the kingdom. 

 “I have heard about NEEF before, but I have never been approached regarding how I can access the loan. If I had that opportunity, I could have borrowed K50,000 to boost my business,” Phiri, a cigarette vendor from Mbayani market, told PIJ.

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This story was syndicated by the IJ Hub on behalf of its member centre, the PIJ

Malawi’s government’s microfinance scheme to uplift the “ultra-poor” was hijacked by the political elite. Leaked records show how the National Economic Empowerment Fund (NEEF) was captured by former President Lazarus Chakwera’s family, cabinet ministers and party cheerleaders, sidelining the communities it was designed to serve.  Golden Matonga and Julius Mbe?e  When Lazarus Chakwera’s Malawi Congress Latest News – MAKANDAY 

Malawi’s government’s microfinance scheme to uplift the “ultra-poor” was hijacked by the political elite. Leaked records show how the National Economic Empowerment Fund (NEEF) was captured by former President Lazarus Chakwera’s family, cabinet ministers and party cheerleaders, sidelining the communities it was designed to serve.  Golden Matonga and Julius Mbe?e  When Lazarus Chakwera’s Malawi Congress

Conflicting Accounts and Forensic Questions

Two Lusaka brothers died hours apart after being found critically ill in their Kasama accommodation. A MakanDay investigation has uncovered gaps in recruitment records, conflicting accounts of the scene and troubling handling of critical forensic evidence. The family is demanding answers.

By Gibson Zulu

January 3, 2026 is a day Rommie Soko says she will never forget, the day she lost both her sons within hours of each other. The family still has no answers. While the police change their stories about what happened to the forensic evidence, there are no post-mortem results, and the police aren’t able to explain why, and the first officer on the scene that day was been transferred to another district.

Harrington (27) and his younger brother, Joshua Mbeleko (21), had travelled from Lusaka to Kasama in northern Zambia after Harrington was recruited by a businessman to work at a vehicle fitment company. Hours later, both were found critically ill in the accommodation where they were staying. One died on the scene, and the other passed away shortly after being taken to hospital.

For nearly two months, MakanDay has tracked the case, reviewed records and spoken with family members, police sources and others who are familiar with the case. While the deaths raise serious questions about how the brothers were recruited and whether these complied with the country’s employment laws. MakanDay’s investigation also raises troubling questions about how cases of this nature are handled, and whether crucial evidence was properly secured.

Rommie Soko, a resident of Mtendere, a sprawling township east of Lusaka, says she had been in regular contact with her sons. When communication abruptly stopped, she got worried.

“After several attempts (to contact them), I finally received a call from an anonymous number,” she said. “I was told, ‘Your children have been found critically ill in a room, and we are taking them to the police’. I remember wondering in shock why they were not being taken to hospital instead.”

A man who reported discovering the brothers told MakanDay he found them lying helpless inside their accommodation and alerted police.

The Discovery

A Kasama Central Police officer, who is not authorised to speak publicly, said the responding officer described a room containing scattered clothing, food remnants and work tools, including a pick and shovel.

Accounts of what the scene looked like when the pair were found vary. The police officer described a room with scattered clothing, food remnants, and tools including a pick and shovel. He noted a strong and unusual odour. The man who discovered the brothers said the smell was consistent with human waste, while family members who later visited reported blood-stained bedding and a chemical-like odour.

Recruitment and Responsibility

The brothers’ uncle, Moses Soko, said the accommodation was linked to individuals associated with the businesses where the deceased were believed to have worked. The family says they have not been given clear information about who had formal responsibility for the house or for the brothers’ welfare.

Efforts by MakanDay, including a visit to the property in Kasama, to establish ownership of the house have yielded no conclusive results. In an interview, a businessman who owns a bakery where one of the late brothers, Joshua, had reportedly found work declined to provide details regarding the ownership or management of the property.

The Kasama businessman identified as Emran Munshi, who had earlier hired Harrington, confirmed to MakanDay that Harrington travelled to Kasama to install equipment. However, the businessman said the job was completed and that he had been paid for it. He denied employing Harrington beyond that task, adding that the business was not yet operational at the time.

The family does not believe the work contract had ended. They say Harrington remained in Kasama and later arranged for his younger brother to join him for work.

No written employment contracts, payment records or formal engagement documents have been presented to the family, raising questions about compliance with Zambia’s labour laws.

Forensic Handling Under Scrutiny

Establishing what happened inside the room and what the boys died of will depend on forensic findings and samples taken at the post-mortems conducted at Kasama General Hospital. But, police seem confused about where the forensic samples from the scene and post-mortems actually are.

Family members say postmortem samples were collected before burial but were not immediately transported for specialised forensic analysis.

Police in Kasama told MakanDay that the samples were delivered to the country’s highest referral facility, the University Teaching Hospital (UTH) in Lusaka, on January 24, nearly three weeks after the deaths. Police said this was necessary as there are no forensic facilities in Kasama. When pressed, they declined to clarify where the samples had been stored during the intervening period or how their integrity had been preserved.

When MakanDay checked with UTH it was confirmed that the samples were never received.  

When asked about this again, the police said the samples were “with police in Lusaka,” but did not provide further explanation.

More than two months after the deaths, it is still unclear where the samples are being held, whether a documented chain of custody exists, and when forensic analysis will be completed.

Additional questions have emerged regarding the brothers’ mobile phones. Family members say the devices were not returned and they have not been informed whether police recovered them from the accommodation.

Meanwhile, at least one of the deceased’s Facebook and TikTok accounts remains accessible and has shown visible activity in the weeks following his death. It is unclear who has access to the accounts or whether investigators have secured the devices and associated digital data as part of the investigation.

Electronic devices can constitute critical evidence in sudden or unexplained deaths, particularly where questions arise about recruitment, movement, or communication prior to the incident.

Police are legally mandated to collect, secure and manage physical and digital evidence in cases of unexplained death.

Institutional Silence

There have been no arrests and, as far as MakanDay has been able to establish, police have not brought anyone in for questioning.

Fearing that investigations at district level may be compromised, the family have reported the matter to police headquarters in Lusaka and are calling for an independent inquiry.

The Inspector General of Police, Graphel Musamba, had not responded to MakanDay’s questions by the time of publication, including queries about the delay in transferring forensic samples and the current whereabouts of those samples.

Police have not responded or issued a public update on the findings of the postmortem examinations or the current status of investigations.

Legal Dimensions

The family has raised concerns about possible exploitation or trafficking. At this stage, available information points to risk indicators rather than proof.

Under Zambia’s Anti-Human Trafficking Act of 2008, trafficking involves three elements: an act such as recruitment or harbouring; a means including coercion, deception or abuse of vulnerability; and a purpose, namely exploitation.

Other legal frameworks may also apply. The Employment Code Act of 2019 requires lawful employment contracts, safe working conditions and employer accountability. The Penal Code (Cap 87) provides for offences relating to unlawful confinement, negligence causing death and homicide-related acts.

Whether any of these provisions are engaged will depend on the outcome of investigations.

But nearly two months later, no cause of death has been publicly disclosed. No individual has been formally charged. And the physical and digital evidence that could determine what happened to the two brothers appears to remain under police control without clear public accounting.

MakanDay has further established that the officer who first responded to the case has since been transferred to a neighbouring district — whether by routine administrative process or other circumstances remains unclear.

For their family, one question persists: What exactly happened inside that room in Kasama.

Additional Reporting by Angela Mtambo | Radio Mano in Kasama

Gibson is an intern at MakanDay under the Free Press Initiative’s Journalism Graduate Internship Programme, which aims to promote excellence in journalism.

You may republish this article, so long as you credit the authors and MakanDay, and do not change the text. Please include a link back to the original article.

#MakanDayInvestigates #KasamaDeaths #JusticeForTheBrothers #PublicInterestReporting

Conflicting Accounts and Forensic Questions Two Lusaka brothers died hours apart after being found critically ill in their Kasama accommodation. A MakanDay investigation has uncovered gaps in recruitment records, conflicting accounts of the scene and troubling handling of critical forensic evidence. The family is demanding answers. By Gibson Zulu January 3, 2026 is a day Latest News – MAKANDAY 

Conflicting Accounts and Forensic Questions Two Lusaka brothers died hours apart after being found critically ill in their Kasama accommodation. A MakanDay investigation has uncovered gaps in recruitment records, conflicting accounts of the scene and troubling handling of critical forensic evidence. The family is demanding answers. By Gibson Zulu January 3, 2026 is a day

Scott Hospital in Morija. Photo © Retšelisitsoe Khabo

Mamello Mochesane

Management at Scott Hospital sat in silence as a medical waste contractor falsely identified itself to villagers at a public meeting convened to address the dumping of hazardous medical waste in their community. Only later did the hospital acknowledge that it had known the company’s true identity all along. This has intensified community concerns over transparency, accountability and the handling of an incident that left children exposed to used needles, syringes and contaminated medical instruments.

In August last year, just a few weeks after medical waste was dumped in Letlapeng village, Scott Hospital, a major regional hospital on the outskirts of Maseru, called a public meeting. The waste management contractor responsible for transporting waste from medical facilities in the region to Scott Hospital for incineration was at the meeting.

The owner of this waste management company introduced himself to villagers as David Molise and said he was from a company called “Letlotlo”. This company does not exist.

MNN can confirm that he is legally registered as David Sephiwe Mathizo. Records from the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Business Development confirm that Tlokoeng Waste Management is registered in his name.

Months later, in October, MNN’s discovered this lie about the company name.

When MNN questioned the  Manager of Hospital Nursing Services, Mankhala Lerotholi she admitted that hospital staff, including herself, at the gathering were aware of the lie during the meeting. They chose not to say anything, she told MNN, because the company owner was asked the question, not the hospital staff.

Lerotholi explained that she now has “no reservations” about naming Tlokoeng Waste Management as the company responsible for the illegal dumping of hazardous medical waste in Letlapeng village, Morija.  This change of heart appears to have come about because the company had failed to co-operate with a plan to stop the illegal dumping and to reveal individuals responsible for the dumping.

Scott Hospital management says they were relying on Tlokoeng Waste Management to help identify individuals at the hospital and also at the company who facilitated this illegal dumping. The company, she said, stopped co-operating with this plan and stopped communicating with the hospital.

Meanwhile, in an interview with MNN, Tlokoeng owner, Mathizo, who has been collecting waste from pharmacies and clinics in the area and transporting it to Scott Hospital for incineration for the last three years, levelled accusations straight back at the hospital management and pharmacists. He told MNN that improper disposal happens when pharmacists fail to pay the company as agreed, or when hospital management issues instructions that lead to illegal dumping.

Lerotholi denied the accusations, saying this was the first incident reported to the hospital.

The Registrar of Companies, Monaheng Monaheng, confirmed that Tlokoeng is registered primarily for waste collection and non-hazardous waste disposal.

When MNN approached Tlokoeng’s owner, David Mathizo, about this he issued a chilling warning: “You can write, but leave my name out of this. Be aware that whatever you write will put you in danger.”

Dismissed symptoms

Thabiso Moleleki, a Letlapeng resident who discovered the medical waste dumped at two different locations, told MNN that he had burned some of it and then also alerted the hospital. Days later, he was horrified to see children still handling medical waste elsewhere in the village.

“It was everywhere,” he said. “And the children didn’t know the danger.”

Nine children were tested for diseases transmitted through bodily fluids. One tested positive for Hepatitis B.

Hospital officials suggested the infection may not be linked to the dumping, citing the virus’s incubation period and speculating that the child could have been infected through other means, including sexual abuse.

That explanation angered residents.

Motlalehi Letlaka, who has lived in Letlapeng for more than 30 years, rejected the claim, saying the hospital has been dumping waste in the village for years.

Other parents say their concerns were brushed aside. ‘Mamotšelisi Kutoana said three of her children were exposed to the waste. One child developed unusual restlessness that lasted for months.

“When I took the child to the hospital, they said it was just flu,” she said. “They refused to do further tests.”

Parents are also questioning the hospital’s response time.

MNN’s can confirm that children exposed to medical waste on 13 July were only called in for treatment on 15 July, a three-day delay.

According to World Health Organisation guidelines (2024), post-exposure prophylaxis is most effective when administered as soon as possible, ideally within 72 hours. For parents like Letlaka, that delay shattered trust.

“How can we believe they are protecting our children when they wait that long?” he asked.

Shifting blame

The scandal has fuelled allegations of corruption within Scott Hospital.

Letlaka believes hospital management is shielding staff involved in irregular disposal practices. Despite the severity of the incident, no hospital employees have been disciplined. “They are protecting someone. People are benefiting,” said Letlaka.

Parents seeking accountability reported similar intimidation. Letlaka said Mathizo referenced the death of his brother, allegedly linked to the famo gang groups, famously known for murders, to imply his connection with them.

Mathizo later denied issuing threats, saying he was grieving and had been misunderstood.

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[[{"value":"Management at Lesotho’s Scott Hospital sat in silence as a medical waste contractor falsely identified itself to villagers at a public meeting convened to address the dumping of hazardous medical waste in their community. Photo © Retšelisitsoe Khabo
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Management at Lesotho’s Scott Hospital sat in silence as a medical waste contractor falsely identified itself to villagers at a public meeting convened to address the dumping of hazardous medical waste in their community. Photo © Retšelisitsoe Khabo
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The company says the discrepancy cited in the story arises from applying a later exchange rate to an earlier payment

By MakanDay

Community Markets for Conservation (COMACO) has issued a formal clarification following MakanDay’s recent investigation, “We Protect the Forest, Others Sell the Carbon,” which raised concerns about how carbon credit revenues are calculated and distributed within chiefdoms in Eastern Province.

In a press statement released this week, COMACO said recent reporting had misapplied exchange rates when calculating the value of funds disbursed to Chikuwe Chiefdom.

Exchange Rate Discrepancy

The investigation referenced a payment of US$309,468 and suggested that, at exchange rates between K20 and K23 per US dollar, the amount would translate to more than K6 million.

However, according to COMACO, the funds were disbursed at a time when the prevailing exchange rate stood at K15.1 per US dollar. Using that rate, the organisation states that the payment converts to K4,672,966.80, which it says aligns with the amount received by the community.

“The discrepancy cited arises from applying a later exchange rate to an earlier payment,” the statement said.

How the Carbon Revenue Is Shared

COMACO further clarified that carbon revenue is distributed according to a set formula agreed upon with stakeholders:

• 55 percent allocated to communities through Community Forest Management Groups (CFMGs) and chiefdom structures
• 35 percent retained for project implementation and operational costs
• 10 percent allocated to the Forestry Department

The organisation stated that this framework has been applied consistently across participating chiefdoms.

Community Training and Documentation

Responding to concerns about transparency, COMACO said it conducted structured financial literacy training prior to disbursing funds.

According to the statement, Community Forest Management Groups, cooperative leaders and traditional leaders were trained on how carbon credits are generated and verified, how revenue calculations are conducted, how exchange rates are applied, and how the benefit-sharing formula works.

Each chiefdom, COMACO added, was provided with documentation outlining allocations and the basis for calculation.

Role of Traditional Leadership

On questions relating to how funds are shared internally within chiefdoms, COMACO said it does not determine allocations to individual traditional leaders.

“Decisions regarding how the community share is allocated within each chiefdom are made through local governance structures,” the organisation stated, noting that chiefs play a central role in conservation oversight and community mobilisation.

Call for Continued Dialogue

COMACO acknowledged that carbon markets are complex and said it remains committed to transparency and accountability.

“We remain committed to transparency, accountability, and ensuring that conservation delivers meaningful and measurable benefits to rural households who protect Zambia’s forests,” the statement said, adding that the organisation welcomes continued constructive engagement with the media.

The clarification introduces key financial and governance details into an ongoing public conversation about conservation finance, community benefits, and accountability in Zambia’s emerging carbon market sector.

As debate continues, the central question raised in MakanDay’s investigation remains: How can rural forest communities be assured that the environmental assets they protect translate into fair and transparent economic returns?

COMACO’S FULL STATEMENT

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

PRESS RELEASE

COMACO Clarifies Carbon Revenue Distribution in Eastern Province

Community Markets for Conservation (COMACO) wishes to clarify factual information regarding recent public reporting on carbon credit revenue distribution in Eastern Province.

For more than a decade, COMACO has worked in partnership with traditional leaders and Community Forest Management Groups (CFMGs) to protect forests while strengthening rural livelihoods. Carbon credit revenue is generated through verified reductions in deforestation and is shared according to an established benefit-sharing structure agreed upon with participating stakeholders.

Recent reporting referenced a payment of US$309,468 to Chikuwe Chiefdom and suggested that the community should have received more than K6 million based on exchange rates between K20 and K23 per US dollar. However, at the time funds were disbursed, the prevailing exchange rate was K15.1 per US dollar. Using the applicable rate at the time of transaction, US$309,468 converts to K4,672,966.80. The amount received by the community aligns with this calculation. The discrepancy cited arises from applying a later exchange rate to an earlier payment.

Carbon revenue is distributed under a consistent formula in which 55 percent is allocated to communities through their CFMGs and chiefdom structures, 35 percent supports project implementation and operational costs, and 10 percent is allocated to the Forestry Department. This framework has been applied across participating chiefdoms.

Prior to the issuance of funds, all CFMGs, cooperative leaders, and traditional leaders underwent structured financial literacy training. These sessions covered how carbon credits are generated and verified, how revenues are calculated, how exchange rates are applied, and how the benefit-sharing formula functions. Each chiefdom was provided with documentation outlining its allocation and the basis for calculation.

Decisions regarding how the community share is allocated within each chiefdom are made through local governance structures. COMACO does not determine internal allocations to traditional leaders. Chiefs play a central role in conservation oversight and community mobilisation, and any allocations within the community share are determined at chiefdom level.

Carbon markets are complex, and COMACO recognises the importance of continued dialogue and clarity. We remain committed to transparency, accountability, and ensuring that conservation delivers meaningful and measurable benefits to rural households who protect Zambia’s forests.

COMACO values the role of the media in strengthening public understanding and welcomes continued constructive engagement grounded in verified information.

Issued by:

Rebecca Snyder

Communications Manager

Community Markets for Conservation

0975170442

The company says the discrepancy cited in the story arises from applying a later exchange rate to an earlier payment By MakanDay Community Markets for Conservation (COMACO) has issued a formal clarification following MakanDay’s recent investigation, “We Protect the Forest, Others Sell the Carbon,” which raised concerns about how carbon credit revenues are calculated and Latest News – MAKANDAY 

The company says the discrepancy cited in the story arises from applying a later exchange rate to an earlier payment By MakanDay Community Markets for Conservation (COMACO) has issued a formal clarification following MakanDay’s recent investigation, “We Protect the Forest, Others Sell the Carbon,” which raised concerns about how carbon credit revenues are calculated and

By Timo Shihepo | 1 March 2026

Transport minister Veikko Nekundi has warned Namport bosses not to take business away from a company co-owned by president Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah’s son.

Ministry of Works and Transport sources say the Namibian Ports Authority (Namport) has complained that it stands to lose about N$20 million in annual income if it cannot bring in another operator to compete with the president’s son’s company.

Nekundi is said to have made this intervention at an early-morning meeting with Namport board members and executives on 13 January.

Namport, at the same time, was in talks with a South African company to operate near the same area of the port used by Tradeport Namibia.

Tradeport is co-owned by the president’s son, Nande Ndaitwah, known as ‘Tate Nande’, and his South African partners.

The company exports manganese and provides other port-related services.

It says its value chain creates over 400 jobs, and it’s the third-highest revenue-generating entity at the Lüderitz port.

Namport has been exploring ways to increase revenue, including the talks with the South African company.

Nekundi called Namport officials to Windhoek for an urgent meeting in January at around 06h00.

According to two sources familiar with the discussions, the minister at the meeting accused Namport of trying to take business away from a Namibian operator in favour of a foreign company.

He warned Namport against decisions that could undermine local companies.

Although Nekundi didn’t mention the president’s son’s name during the meeting, two sources claim that he kept mentioning Nande’s company.

Some Namport officials allegedly left that meeting fuming, accusing the minister of interference.

“Namport has so many clients. They also have concerns that need to be addressed. Why is the minister specifically interested in that company?” a source familiar with this matter asked.

Nekundi has confirmed the meeting to The Namibian, but defends protecting a local company.

“You say no to locals and give it to a foreign company at the expense of Namibians. Do you think people from outside will care how the job is being done here?

“They will take the contract, export money and jobs out of the country. If a Namibian has the contract, then jobs and money are retained here to grow the economy,” he says.

Nekundi rejects the suggestion that he is favouring the president’s son.

“It’s not about the president’s son. It’s about value. My duty as a minister is to uphold the constitution, especially Articles 40 and 41,” he says.

The Namibian followed up with Nekundi yesterday for clarity, upon which he said: “I did not inform Namport not to take business away from the president’s son.

“My question was: Why should a state company prefer a foreign company at the expense of a local company?”

He said his responsibility is to serve the public.

“I am accountable to Namibians. I have an obligation to serve the nation without looking at who is who. My duty is to all Namibians and to implement policy directives,” the minister said.

During the same meeting, Nekundi reportedly issued a warning to Namport leadership saying: “If you are not making money, I will deal with you.”

Nekundi says these remarks were based on Namport’s role as a commercial entity.

He says the same principle applies to other state-owned commercial entities.

“These entities are commercial. They must make a profit. It’s the same thing I told the Roads Contractor Company (RCC). We have given them many projects, and now it is time for them to make money,” he says.

He said accountability will be enforced.

“If people don’t want to work, they must resign. Or we will remove you,” he says.

Nekundi has also expressed frustration with inefficiency in public institutions.

“In Oshiwambo, there is a saying: omuna ombwela moshilongo omu (There is no discipline in this country). People just do what they want while wasting government resources,” he says.

‘SAY SORRY’: NAMPORT APOLOGISES TO TRADEPORT

Tradeport Namibia specialises in transporting manganese lumpy ore, gypsum, fertiliser, lime and bonded diesel.

It operates a section of the Lüderitz port allocated by Namport.

It entered the spotlight this week when Independent Patriots for Change (IPC) leader Panduleni Itula named it as one of the companies used by the first family to control the oil sector.

The president’s sons have rejected this claim as a blatant lie.

Speculation around the president’s son’s interest in Namport started last year and escalated in January this year, including on social media.

Namport officials have also pointed to a separate incident that illustrates the sensitivity around the president’s son’s company, sources say.

At its annual port users awards in December 2025, Namport recognised its top revenue-generating companies – but erroneously excluded the president’s son’s company.

The oversight was escalated to the board, and Namport was forced to issue a public apology on social media for failing to recognise Tradeport at the ceremony.

“Due to this lapse, the company was not recognised as one of the top three revenue-generating clients at the Port of Lüderitz, despite its significant and longstanding contribution to the port’s performance,” a statement on Namport’s Facebook page on 12 December 2025 says.

The ports authority says it has corrected the error.

“We have taken corrective steps internally to prevent similar oversights in the future. Namport will also formally present the award to Tradeport Namibia Investments (Pty) Ltd at an agreed date and time.

“We appreciate Tradeport Namibia Investments (Pty) Ltd’s continued support and understanding,” Namport says.

Later, sources say Nekundi pressed Namport on the awards matter.

He was allegedy told it had been sorted out, accompanied by an apology on social media.

THE ECOSYSTEM

Nande defended his company’s operations this week.

“Like any other operator, Tradeport approached Namport with a viable business proposition, including secured customers and cargo. Namport then followed its own internal procedures to allocate the land for this purpose – a process which is not unique to Tradeport,” he said.

Nande said Tradeport plays a key role in port operations.

“It signifies the vital role Tradeport plays in the port’s ecosystem. We provide Namport with the highest cargo volumes and revenue, contributing to the port’s success just as any other operator does. A big thank you to my team,” he said.

Nande also rejected claims that his company distributes fuel at the port.

He defended Tradeport’s operational activities.

“These activities, port handling, storage, and logistics coordination, are the fundamental services any port operator provides. Tradeport is operating at Lüderitz exactly as any other legitimate operator would,” he said.

Nande said criticism is politically motivated.

“It appears as though Itula is upset about who runs this business. Who does he prefer to have run this business since 2019?”

MINI-BEEF OVER FEES

This week, Namport appeared to enter the political spat between Itula and the president, defending the president’s son’s company.

The parastatal issued a statement yesterday, saying: “Namport indeed has a business relationship with Tradeport, stretching back to 2019. It is rather unfortunate that the important Tradeport manganese business through the port is now incorrectly associated with the ongoing allegations around the oil and gas industry at the Port of Lüderitz, which it is completely not part of.”

Namport and Nekundi appear to have a mini-spat that spilled into the news in recent weeks.

Two weeks ago, weekly newspaper Confidente reported that Nekundi rejected a request for additional sitting fees for board and subcommittee meetings.

Namport chief executive Andrew Kanime wrote to Nekundi on 22 January, requesting approval for additional payments.

Nekundi responded five days later, rejecting the request.

“Your payment request of additional sitting fees for the extraordinary or special meetings and engagements referenced in your correspondence is not approved, as such meetings are covered by the annual retainer fees,” the minister said.

Namport officials believe Nekundi himself was the one who caused several meetings that led to them exhausting their scheduled directors meetings.

Nekundi told The Namibian boards have a culture of entitlement.

“The approved meetings are four per year. Board members get sitting fees for those meetings. They also receive retainer fees for ad hoc meetings.

“The retainer fees are paid monthly – whether they sit or not. Why should people still get paid for extra meetings when they are already receiving retainer fees?” he asked.

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​Investigation Unit [[{"value":"By Timo Shihepo | 1 March 2026 Transport minister Veikko Nekundi has warned Namport bosses not to take business away from a company co-owned by president Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah’s son. Ministry of Works and Transport sources say the Namibian Ports Authority (Namport) has complained that it stands to lose about N$20 million in annual income if
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By Timo Shihepo | 1 March 2026 Transport minister Veikko Nekundi has warned Namport bosses not to take business away from a company co-owned by president Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah’s son. Ministry of Works and Transport sources say the Namibian Ports Authority (Namport) has complained that it stands to lose about N$20 million in annual income if
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By Ennety Munshya,

The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) has confirmed that it received a formal complaint during the Kasama mayoral by-election alleging that a political party was collecting voters’ cards in exchange for money, a practice the Commission says is illegal under Zambian law.

In a written response dated 25 February 2026, the Commission said the Kasama District Conflict Management Committee received a complaint from the Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) on 26 January 2026, alleging that the ruling United Party for National Development (UPND) was giving money to voters and collecting their voter cards in return.

According to ECZ, the matter was heard on 27 January 2026. However, the Commission said the complainant did not provide evidence to support the allegations, and the matter was referred to law enforcement agencies, specifically the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) and Zambia Police, because the allegations were criminal in nature.

“It was resolved that since FDD did not avail any evidence to support the complaint the matter should be reported to the Law Enforcement Agencies (Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC)and Zambia Police (ZP)) for further investigation and action and in view of the fact that the allegations where criminal in nature,” he Commission said in a statement signed by Brown Kasaro, Chief Electoral Officer.

Collection of Voter Cards Is an Offence – ECZ

In its response, ECZ made it clear that collecting or asking for another person’s voter’s card details is illegal.

“It is illegal to collect a voters Card during campaigns or any other time even when elections are not eminent,” the Commission stated, adding that being in possession of another person’s voter card or asking someone to disclose details from the card constitutes an offence under Regulations 38 and 39 of the Voter Registration Regulations.

This clarification directly relates to findings in the MakanDay Centre for Investigative Journalism’s earlier report, which documented testimonies from residents in Kasama who alleged that voter and National Registration Cards (NRCs) were collected in exchange for K50 payments ahead of polling day.

In that investigation, some residents claimed the documents were later returned after polling day, meaning they did not cast their ballots.

ECZ: Commission Not an Investigative Body

The Commission further clarified that while it can reprimand political parties, revoke accreditations, or refer matters to law enforcement agencies, it is not an investigative body when it comes to criminal offences.

Where allegations involve criminal conduct, ECZ says it refers matters to relevant enforcement agencies for investigation and further action.

“Functus Officio” After Declaration of Results

ECZ also stated that once election results have been declared, the Commission becomes functus officio, meaning it no longer has the authority to handle alleged malpractice. Any aggrieved party must instead petition the courts under Section 97 of the Electoral Process Act.

“Thus once results are declared, the aggrieved party may petition the relevant Court or Tribunal to deal with the electoral malpractice,” the Commission said.

Linking Back to the Kasama Investigation

In its original investigation titled “Zambia’s ‘Peaceful’ By-Election: Fear, Violence and the Meaning of Silence in Kasama.” MakanDay documented numerous allegations, including inducements, claims of voter card collection, testimonies suggesting intimidation during the campaign period and concerns about weak enforcement of electoral standards.

At the time of publication, ruling party officials had rejected allegations of misconduct, stating that party agents were merely collecting information for comparison with the voter register.

The ECZ’s written clarification now establishes two important facts, a formal complaint was indeed received and heard and collecting voter cards or asking for their details is illegal under electoral regulations.

What remains unclear is whether law enforcement agencies have since opened investigations, and whether any evidence has been substantiated.

Disclaimer: The photo used is an illustrative image based on an official ECZ statement and is not the original document.

By Ennety Munshya, The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) has confirmed that it received a formal complaint during the Kasama mayoral by-election alleging that a political party was collecting voters’ cards in exchange for money, a practice the Commission says is illegal under Zambian law. In a written response dated 25 February 2026, the Commission Latest News – MAKANDAY 

By Ennety Munshya, The Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) has confirmed that it received a formal complaint during the Kasama mayoral by-election alleging that a political party was collecting voters’ cards in exchange for money, a practice the Commission says is illegal under Zambian law. In a written response dated 25 February 2026, the Commission

Investigative Journalist (1 Position)

Junior Investigative Journalist (1 Position)

18-Month contract (March 2026 – August 2027)

The MNN Centre for Investigative Journalism invites applications from qualified, motivated, and courageous journalists to join our investigative newsroom for an 18-month period beginning in March 2026.

MNN is an independent, public-interest investigative journalism organisation based in Lesotho. We produce in-depth, evidence-based reporting that promotes accountability, transparency, human rights, and social justice.

We are recruiting for the following positions:

1. Investigative Journalist

Key Responsibilities:

• Conceptualise, research, and produce in-depth investigative stories.
• Analyse public records, financial documents, and datasets.
• Conduct interviews with high-level sources and affected communities.
• Work collaboratively with editors and partners on cross-border investigations where applicable.
• Ensure accuracy, fairness, and adherence to ethical journalism standards.

Minimum Requirements:

• Degree or diploma in Journalism, Media Studies, or related field.
• At least 3–5 years’ experience in journalism, with proven investigative reporting experience (youths with requisite experience are encouraged to apply).
• Strong research, writing, and analytical skills.
• Demonstrated ability to handle sensitive information securely.
• Knowledge of Lesotho’s governance, legal, and socio-economic landscape is an added advantage.

2. Junior Investigative Journalist

Key Responsibilities:

• Support investigative projects through research, interviews, and document review.
• Assist in fact-checking and data collection.
• Develop story ideas and pitch under editorial supervision.
• Produce stories for publication across MNN platforms.

Minimum Requirements:

• Degree or diploma in Journalism, Media Studies, or related field (recent graduates are encouraged to apply).
• Strong writing and research skills.
• Demonstrated interest in investigative and public-interest journalism.
• Willingness to learn advanced investigative techniques, including data journalism and open-source research.

What We Offer

• Opportunity to work on impactful, high-level investigative stories.
• Mentorship and skills development in investigative techniques.
• Exposure to regional and international investigative networks.
• Competitive remuneration commensurate with experience.

How to Apply

Interested candidates should submit:

• A cover letter (maximum 1 page) explaining their suitability for the position.
• A detailed CV.
• At least three published writing samples.
• Contact details of two referees.

Applications must be emailed to: mnncij.lesotho@gmail.com
Deadline for applications: 6 March 2026

Only shortlisted candidates will be contacted.

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[[{"value":"Investigative Journalist (1 Position) Junior Investigative Journalist (1 Position) 18-Month contract (March 2026 – August 2027) The MNN Centre for Investigative Journalism invites applications from qualified, motivated, and courageous journalists to join our investigative newsroom for an 18-month period beginning in March 2026. MNN is an independent, public-interest investigative journalism organisation based in Lesotho. We...
The post Come work with us! appeared first on MNNCIJ."}]] 

MNNCIJ 

Investigative Journalist (1 Position) Junior Investigative Journalist (1 Position) 18-Month contract (March 2026 – August 2027) The MNN Centre for Investigative Journalism invites applications from qualified, motivated, and courageous journalists to join our investigative newsroom for an 18-month period beginning in March 2026. MNN is an independent, public-interest investigative journalism organisation based in Lesotho. We...
The post Come work with us! appeared first on MNNCIJ.